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    <title>The Footnote</title>
    <link>https://thefootnote.news</link>
    <description>An independent investigative publication. The inaugural work is a primary-source audit of the 2025 DOJ Epstein Files Transparency Act release. Every claim tier-labeled. Every citation auditable.</description>
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      <title>The Footnote</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news</link>
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    <item>
      <title>Thirty-Two Counts</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/thirty-two-counts/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/thirty-two-counts/</guid>
      <pubDate>Fri, 24 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · The 2007 Non-Prosecution Agreement</category>
      <description>The draft federal indictment of Jeffrey Epstein was scheduled to go to the grand jury on Tuesday, September 25, 2007. The Non-Prosecution Agreement was signed on Monday, September 24. The draft beat the agreement by one day, the wrong way.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>One Day</h2><p>On Thursday, September 13, 2007, an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the West Palm Beach office of the United States Attorney for the Southern District of Florida sent a memorandum up the chain to U.S. Attorney R. Alexander Acosta, the First Assistant, the Deputy Chief of the Criminal Division, and the Chief of Criminal Section I, Northern Division. The subject line: &quot;Operation Leap Year: Second Addendum to Prosecution Memorandum&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00234505&quot;>[EFTA00234505, p. 0]</a>. The memo listed the stylistic and substantive changes made to an indictment package the Office had been preparing for roughly 18 months. The memo's operative sentence is one line above the signature block. &quot;For strategic reasons, I would like to present the indictment to the grand jury on Tuesday, September 25, 2007&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00234505&quot;>[EFTA00234505, p. 0]</a>.</p><p>On Monday, September 24, 2007, one day before the scheduled grand jury date, the Non-Prosecution Agreement was signed <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00192983&quot;>[EFTA00192983]</a>.</p><p>The draft indictment never went to a grand jury.</p><h2>What the Draft Was</h2><p>The 2019 CVRA opinion describes the posture of the investigation as of the spring of 2007. &quot;By May of 2007, the Office had drafted an 82-page prosecution memorandum and a 53-page indictment outlining numerous federal sexual offenses committed by Epstein&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00800253&quot;>[EFTA00800253, p. 2]</a>. The draft was captioned in the Southern District of Florida. The statute headers on the indictment's title page list 7 federal offense categories <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta01713627&quot;>[EFTA01713627, p. 68]</a>:</p><ul><li>18 U.S.C. § 371, conspiracy.</li><li>18 U.S.C. § 2422(b), enticement of a minor via interstate facility.</li><li>18 U.S.C. § 2423(b), interstate travel for illicit sexual conduct with a minor.</li><li>18 U.S.C. § 2423(d), engagement in illicit sexual conduct with a minor while traveling.</li><li>18 U.S.C. § 2423(e), attempt and conspiracy to commit those offenses.</li><li>18 U.S.C. § 1591(a)(1), sex trafficking of a person under 18.</li><li>18 U.S.C. § 1591(a)(2), benefiting from trafficking.</li></ul><p>Mandatory minimums on the trafficking provisions at the time ran from 10 to 15 years per count. The indictment stacked the conspiracy count (Count 1) across a background section naming overt acts committed between March 2004 and October 2005, then charged individual substantive counts keyed to specific victims and specific trips [EFTA01713627, pp. 68-72].</p><p>The investigation's internal codename was <strong>Operation Leap Year</strong>. The phrase appears across the prosecution memorandum correspondence as a file identifier tied to USAO case number 2006R01181 <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00234505&quot;>[EFTA00234505, p. 0]</a>.</p><h2>Who the Draft Named</h2><p>The draft indictment as it existed before September 13, 2007 named 5 defendants <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta01713627&quot;>[EFTA01713627, p. 68]</a>:</p><p><strong>Jeffrey Epstein.</strong> The principal target. Named on the caption page and charged on the conspiracy count.</p><p><strong>Three Epstein employees, whose names are redacted in the indexed corpus version.</strong> The indictment identifies them by role (&quot;Defendants [NAME], a/k/a [ALIAS], and [NAME]&quot;) and establishes, at Paragraph 1 of the Background section, that &quot;Defendant JEFFREY EPSTEIN employed defendants [NAME], [NAME], and [NAME] to perform, among other things, services as personal assistants&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta01713627&quot;>[EFTA01713627, p. 68]</a>. The government's own proffered facts, carried later into the NPA's immunity clause <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00192983&quot;>[EFTA00192983, p. 20]</a>, named 4 individuals as illustrative (not exhaustive) members of the protected class: Sarah Kellen, Adriana Ross, Lesley Groff, and Nadia Marcinkova. Which 3 of the 4 were named in the indictment as defendants, and whether the draft would have added a 4th before filing, is a question the redactions in the current production prevent from being answered from the face of the document.</p><p><strong>JEGE, Inc.</strong> An Epstein-controlled Delaware corporation. The indictment describes JEGE as having &quot;sole business activities&quot; tied to &quot;the operation and ownership of a Boeing 727-31 aircraft bearing tail number N908JE&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta01713627&quot;>[EFTA01713627, p. 69]</a>. Epstein was the company's &quot;president, sole director, and sole shareholder.&quot;</p><p><strong>Hyperion Air, Inc.</strong> Another Epstein-controlled Delaware corporation. The indictment describes Hyperion Air's sole business activities as tied to &quot;a Gulfstream G-1159B aircraft bearing tail number N909JE&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta01713627&quot;>[EFTA01713627, p. 69]</a>. Epstein was again the president, sole director, and sole shareholder.</p><p>Corporate co-defendants are not decorative in federal criminal practice. They are charged when the government intends to reach the organizational machinery of an offense. In this indictment, the aviation corporations are named as parties to the conspiracy to transport minor females across state lines for the acts charged, and their planes (the 727 and the Gulfstream) are the named instrumentalities. Count 1's Overt Acts section lists specific interstate flights aboard each of the two aircraft as acts in furtherance of the conspiracy [EFTA01713627, pp. 71-72].</p><h2>The Second Addendum</h2><p>On September 13, 2007, 11 days before the NPA was signed and 12 days before the planned grand jury date, the prosecution memorandum was amended. The Second Addendum, EFTA00234505, records two changes the line prosecutor was making to the package under review.</p><p>The first change is the one the record points back to most directly. &quot;At Matt Menchel's request, I removed the corporate defendants, JEGE, Inc., and Hyperion Air, Inc.&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00234505&quot;>[EFTA00234505, p. 1]</a>. Matthew Menchel was a senior SDFL prosecutor during the Epstein investigation; his supervisory role over Operation Leap Year is reflected across the memorandum correspondence. The Second Addendum records his instruction without further explanation. Two corporate defendants were removed from the indictment package 11 days before the indictment was scheduled to go to a grand jury. The removal took with it the portion of the case that would have reached Epstein's aviation infrastructure as a corporate matter.</p><p>The second change was a reduction in substantive counts. &quot;I removed the majority of the counts and have limited these charges to the four trips&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00234505&quot;>[EFTA00234505, p. 2]</a>. The line prosecutor also removed &quot;the charge related to the transporting of [REDACTED] for criminal sexual activity (18 U.S.C. § 2421) [former Count 59]&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00234505&quot;>[EFTA00234505, p. 1]</a>. The reference to &quot;former Count 59&quot; establishes that the pre-revision draft had at least 60 numbered counts. The Second Addendum reduced the substantive travel charges to 4 trips and dropped former Count 59 entirely.</p><p>The Second Addendum also added new victims to the indictment, renumbered the Jane Doe identifiers into chronological order by first contact with Epstein or his staff, and expanded the Overt Acts in Count 1 with more specific descriptions of the alleged sexual conduct [EFTA00234505, pp. 1-2].</p><h2>The 82-Page Memorandum</h2><p>The second document the May 2007 posture rested on was the 82-page prosecution memorandum itself <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00800253&quot;>[EFTA00800253, p. 2]</a>. Prosecution memoranda in federal practice lay out the theory of the case, the elements of the charged offenses, the evidence supporting each count, the witnesses available to testify, and the anticipated defenses. The original 82-page version has not been produced into the indexed corpus under a clean EFTA identifier; it sits behind a series of addenda (the Second Addendum is EFTA00234505), and the Third Addendum, dated February 19, 2008, is referenced inside the Second Addendum but not yet indexed <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00234505&quot;>[EFTA00234505, p. 0]</a>. The original memorandum is one of the Phase 2 anchor targets of the Immunity Shield investigation.</p><p>What the corpus does establish is that the memorandum was 82 pages when the Marra court cited it, and that at least two written addenda were prepared in sequence: a Second Addendum dated September 13, 2007, and a Third Addendum dated February 19, 2008, months after the NPA had taken effect.</p><h2>The Page-Count Question</h2><p>Marra's 2019 opinion describes the draft as 53 pages <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00800253&quot;>[EFTA00800253, p. 2]</a>. The Immunity Shield investigation's own prior evidence log describes the draft as 56 pages, revised through February 2008. The two page counts refer to different versions of the same document. One hypothesis is that the 53-page version is the draft as it stood in May 2007 when the prosecution memorandum was prepared, and the 56-page version is the revised draft worked through the Second Addendum in September 2007 and the Third Addendum in February 2008. The Third Addendum's stated purpose (Jane Doe renumbering) is the kind of revision that adds pages. The record does not confirm this reading; a clean retrieval of both the 53-page and the 56-page drafts is a Phase 2 target.</p><h2>What the Record Does Not Show</h2><p>Why Matthew Menchel asked the line prosecutor to remove JEGE, Inc. and Hyperion Air, Inc. from the indictment. What happened inside the Office between September 13, 2007 (the Second Addendum) and September 25, 2007 (the planned grand jury date) that resulted in the NPA being signed on September 24 instead. Whether the draft was ever presented to a grand juror in any form, even in a voluntary pre-indictment exchange. What the Third Addendum, dated February 19, 2008, contained beyond the Jane Doe renumbering. Why the draft continued to be worked on at all in February 2008, after the NPA had been operational for 5 months.</p><h2>Several Items Remain Open</h2><p>The 82-page prosecution memorandum, in full. The 53-page draft indictment as it stood in May 2007. The 56-page revised version of the draft. The Third Addendum of February 19, 2008. The grand-jury preparation materials that would ordinarily accompany a draft indictment of this scope. Matthew Menchel's own file memoranda on the removal of the corporate defendants. The SDNY 86-page co-conspirator memorandum (EFTA02731082), which sits on the other side of the NPA and is the next anchor target for this investigation.</p>]]></content:encoded>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The December Memo</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-december-memo/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-december-memo/</guid>
      <pubDate>Fri, 24 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · The 2007 Non-Prosecution Agreement</category>
      <description>Four months after Jeffrey Epstein died in federal custody, the Southern District of New York U.S. Attorney&apos;s Office delivered to Geoffrey Berman an 86-page memorandum on the investigation into potential co-conspirators. The Analysis section evaluated five subjects for criminal charges. Only two are visible in the indexed record.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>The Memo</h2><p>The document is dated December 19, 2019. It is titled &quot;Investigation into Potential Co-Conspirators of Jeffrey Epstein.&quot; The cover page is marked <strong>PRIVILEGED — ATTORNEY WORK PRODUCT/DELIBERATIVE PROCESS</strong> and <strong>CONFIDENTIAL — SUBJECT TO FED. R. CRIM. P. 6(e)</strong>. The addressee is Geoffrey S. Berman, U.S. Attorney. The authors are identified only as &quot;AUSAs,&quot; their names redacted across every page of the indexed version <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082, p. 0]</a>.</p><p>The memo is 86 pages. It is the second federal prosecution memorandum prepared about Jeffrey Epstein and the people around him, and the first of the two that was delivered after he was dead.</p><h2>What Preceded It</h2><p>&quot;On July 2, 2019, a federal grand jury in the Southern District of New York returned a sealed indictment (the 'Indictment') charging Jeffrey Epstein with one count of sex trafficking of minors, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1591, and one count of conspiracy to commit sex trafficking of minors, in violation of 18 U.S.C. § 371&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082, p. 0]</a>. Epstein was arrested on July 6, 2019. The Indictment was unsealed on July 8, 2019. On or about August 10, 2019, he died in federal custody at the Metropolitan Correctional Center in Manhattan <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082, p. 1]</a>.</p><p>Four months and nine days later, the memo was delivered to Berman.</p><h2>The Named Subjects</h2><p>The Background section of the memo names the subjects of the continued post-indictment investigation. &quot;Since his death, we have continued the investigation that remained ongoing following the return of the Indictment against Epstein into potential co-conspirators. In particular, that investigation focused on Ghislaine Maxwell, [REDACTED], [REDACTED], and Leslie Groff&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082, p. 1]</a>. Two of the four are redacted at the identifier position. The two visible names are Maxwell and Groff.</p><p>Leslie Groff is the Leslie Groff of this investigation. The spelling variance is a documentary fact worth noting: the 2007 Non-Prosecution Agreement spells her name &quot;Lesley Groff&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00192983&quot;>[EFTA00192983, p. 20]</a>. The 2019 SDNY memo spells it &quot;Leslie Groff&quot; across 19 indexed pages <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082]</a>. The same person, the same immunity recipient, spelled two ways in two federal documents filed 12 years apart.</p><p>The Background section also notes that Maxwell's case would be handled separately. &quot;The potential charges against Maxwell will be further analyzed in a separate prosecution memorandum, which is expected to seek authorization to charge Maxwell with federal offenses for her role in facilitating the transport of minors for illegal sex acts&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082, p. 1]</a>. That separate Maxwell memorandum is not EFTA02731082. It is referenced inside it.</p><h2>The Analysis Section</h2><p>The memo's Section IV is titled &quot;Analysis.&quot; Its purpose, stated at the top: &quot;In light of the evidence gathered during our investigation, as well as the [legal] tools available, in this section, we evaluate whether there is sufficient evidence to charge Leslie Groff and/or Ghislaine Maxwell with a federal crime and, if so, whether such charges would be in the interests of justice&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082, pp. 74-75]</a>.</p><p>Section IV has five lettered subsections in the indexed record: A, B, C, D, E. Sections A, B, and C name their subjects at the subsection header, and each of those three subject names is redacted in the indexed version. The two subsections whose subjects are visible:</p><ul><li><strong>D. Leslie Groff</strong> <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082, p. 85]</a></li><li><strong>E. Ghislaine Maxwell</strong> <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082, p. 85]</a></li></ul><p>The substantive analysis underneath each lettered subsection is itself heavily redacted across pages 75 through 85. The redaction analysis against the indexed version recovers place names (New York, Palm Beach, Virgin Islands), the names Epstein and Maxwell as document subjects, and one reference to Prince Andrew on page 59; it does not recover the subsection-A, -B, or -C subject names on pages 75 through 84.</p><h2>The Gap With the 2007 NPA</h2><p>The 2007 Non-Prosecution Agreement granted federal immunity to Epstein and to &quot;any potential co-conspirators of Epstein, including but not limited to Sarah Kellen, Adriana Ross, Lesley Groff, or Nadia Marcinkova&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00192983&quot;>[EFTA00192983, p. 20]</a>. Four people named, plus an open-ended category.</p><p>The 2019 SDNY memo analyzes five subjects under Section IV. Only one of the four NPA-named recipients appears by visible name in that analysis: Leslie Groff, at subsection D. Kellen and Marcinkova do not appear by name in the indexed body of the memo at any page. The first name &quot;Adriana&quot; does not appear in the indexed body of the memo; the surname &quot;Ross&quot; appears on two pages, and whether either reference is to Adriana Ross is not established by the surrounding context. Whether any of the three NPA-named recipients other than Groff are the redacted subject of subsection A, B, or C is a question the indexed record does not answer. The redaction recovery against pages 75 through 84 has not surfaced the subject names.</p><p>Ghislaine Maxwell, at subsection E, was not named in the 2007 NPA's immunity clause. Her potential charges were sent to a separate prosecution memorandum, which did produce charges; she was indicted by SDNY in July 2020 and convicted at trial in December 2021.</p><h2>What the Record Does Not Show</h2><p>The names of the authors of the memo. The identities of the redacted subjects of subsections A, B, and C. Whether any of those three are Sarah Kellen, Nadia Marcinkova, or Adriana Ross. Whether the SDFL's 2007 NPA-era immunity travel with them across jurisdictions, and whether SDNY concluded it did or did not. Whether any of the three were ever charged. The separate prosecution memorandum on Maxwell referenced inside EFTA02731082 and not yet indexed under its own EFTA identifier. The substantive paragraphs of Section IV, which are redacted across pages 75 through 84.</p><h2>Several Items Remain Open</h2><p>The separate Maxwell prosecution memorandum referenced inside EFTA02731082. The redaction-recovery work on Section IV pages 75 through 84, to the extent the indexed corpus can surface the three redacted subject names at the subsection-A, -B, and -C headers. A clean cross-reference between the SDNY memo's Section IV subjects and the NPA's four named immunity recipients, once the redactions are recovered. The list of the AUSAs who authored the memo, which the Office has retained even where the indexed release redacts it. The 82-page SDFL prosecution memorandum (spring 2007), which is the document this memo's structure mirrors from the other side of the NPA. Those are the Phase 2 targets the Immunity Shield investigation now turns toward.</p>]]></content:encoded>
    </item>
    <item>
      <title>The April Memo</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-april-memo/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-april-memo/</guid>
      <pubDate>Fri, 24 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · The 2007 Non-Prosecution Agreement</category>
      <description>On April 10, 2020, four months after the December memorandum promised one, the SDNY U.S. Attorney&apos;s Office sent a separate prosecution memorandum up the chain. The subject was Ghislaine Maxwell. The charged period was 1994 to 1997. The memo sought two counts. Maxwell was arrested less than three months later.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<h2>The Memo</h2><p>The document is a 32-page prosecution memorandum from the U.S. Department of Justice, United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. The cover page carries the banner <strong>Privileged and Confidential — Attorney Work Product</strong> and below it the instruction <strong>Do Not Disseminate Outside of the SDNY USAO</strong>. The caption is <em>United States v. Maxwell</em>, 20 Cr. ___ ( ). The blank is where a court docket number would go once the indictment was filed. The date on the cover is April 10, 2020 <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 0]</a>.</p><p>The memo is the document the December 2019 memorandum said was coming. EFTA02731082, dated December 19, 2019, had stated that Maxwell's potential charges &quot;will be further analyzed in a separate prosecution memorandum, which is expected to seek authorization to charge Maxwell with federal offenses for her role in facilitating the transport of minors for illegal sex acts&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731082&quot;>[EFTA02731082, p. 1]</a>. EFTA02731168 is that memorandum.</p><p>The authors signed it &quot;/s [REDACTED]&quot; on the final page, above the line <em>Assistant United States Attorneys</em> <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 31]</a>. The signatures are redacted in the indexed version. The addressee line is also redacted. What the memo asks for is not.</p><h2>What It Sought</h2><p>&quot;This memorandum seeks authorization to charge GHISLAINE MAXWELL with one count of conspiracy to violate 18 U.S.C. § 2423(a), which prohibits the transportation of a minor for illegal sexual activity, and one count of conspiracy to violate 18 U.S.C. § 2422, which prohibits the enticement of a minor to travel to engage in illegal sexual activity&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 0]</a>.</p><p>Two counts. Both conspiracies, both charged under 18 U.S.C. § 371. Count One's object was § 2423(a); Count Two's object was § 2422. Each conspiracy count carried a statutory maximum of 5 years of imprisonment, with no mandatory minimum <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 13]</a>.</p><p>The charged period on both counts was 1994 to 1997 <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 13]</a>. That window matters. The 2007 Non-Prosecution Agreement's scope-of-investigation clause was bounded at the other end: &quot;any offenses that may have been committed by Epstein against the United States from in or around 2001 through in or around September 2007&quot; <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta00192983&quot;>[EFTA00192983, p. 1]</a>. The SDNY case against Maxwell was built on conduct that ended 4 years before the NPA's window began. The statute of limitations had been extended for sexual offenses against minors by a 1994 amendment to 18 U.S.C. § 3283 and revised again in 2003 to permit prosecution at any time during the lifetime of the minor victim <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 20]</a>. The 2020 indictment was reaching pre-NPA conduct through a statute written to allow it.</p><h2>The Victim at the Center</h2><p>The memo centers on a single named victim whose identity is redacted in the indexed version. The narrative establishes the facts the government intended to prove at trial. The victim had been born outside the United States and moved to the country with her family. She was approximately 14 years old when she first encountered Maxwell, sitting at a picnic table with friends, walking a dog past her <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 0]</a>. Epstein followed. He introduced himself as a donor who gave scholarships to students, and asked the victim for her phone number [EFTA02731168, pp. 0–1].</p><p>Several weeks later, a call came from Epstein's office inviting the victim to his Palm Beach house for tea. The victim and her mother went. Epstein told the mother that he liked to mentor young talented individuals and gave scholarships. The mother encouraged her daughter to spend time with him <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 1]</a>. The visits became regular. Epstein paid the victim \$200 to \$300 per visit in cash, told her to give the money to her mother, and also paid for the victim's training in her field of interest.</p><p>The memo records the victim's characterization of the early months of this pattern: she came to believe, in retrospect, that Maxwell and Epstein were &quot;grooming&quot; her for sexual abuse <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 1]</a>. The abuse itself began several months in, when the victim was alone with Epstein in the pool house.</p><p>That is the case the April memo was asking to charge. Maxwell's role, as the government intended to prove it, was not a bystander's. The memo identifies her as a participant in the grooming, a traveler with the victim across state lines, and a direct actor in at least one sexualized massage of the victim <a class=&quot;cite&quot; href=&quot;/vault/efta02731168&quot;>[EFTA02731168, p. 12]</a>.</p><h2>What Came After</h2><p>The April 10, 2020 memo is not the only Maxwell prosecution memorandum in the indexed record. It is the first of at least three. The second, dated April 28, 2020, is referenced inside the later superseding memo by date but has not been separately located under a clean EFTA identifier at time of publication; whatever it contained, it appears to have expanded the charging package from the 2 counts proposed on April 10 to the 6 counts of the original indictment actually returned. Maxwell was arrested on July 2, 2020.</p><p>The third indexed memo is <strong>EFTA02731226</strong>, 28 pages, dated March 14, 2021, captioned <em>United States v. Maxwell</em>, S2 20 Cr. 330 (AJN). It sought authorization for a superseding indictment expanding the charges to reach a further victim. That superseding indictment is the one under which Maxwell was tried in Manhattan in November and December 2021. The jury returned guilty verdicts on 5 of the 6 counts on December 29, 2021. She was sentenced on June 28, 2022 to 20 years of imprisonment.</p><h2>The Gap the April Memo Closed</h2><p>The 2007 Non-Prosecution Agreement extended federal immunity to Epstein and to his named co-conspirators for conduct in the 2001 to 2007 window. Maxwell was not named. Her conduct through the 1990s was not within the SDFL investigation's scope. When SDNY built a case around her in 2019 and 2020, it drew on victims and on a time period the NPA had never covered and therefore had never foreclosed.</p><p>The April memo is the clearest documentary illustration in the indexed record of what the NPA did not reach. It is the case that the other case (the one the NPA had resolved in September 2007) had not been built around. 12 years after the NPA was signed, and 8 months after Epstein's death, a separate U.S. Attorney's office in a separate district prosecuted the person the SDFL had not.</p><h2>What the Record Does Not Show</h2><p>The identity of the authors. The identity of the addressee (redacted). The identity of the central victim. The content of the April 28, 2020 follow-on memo, which appears to have expanded the charging package from 2 counts to 6 and whose EFTA identifier is not yet established. Whether any of the Section IV subjects A, B, or C of the December 2019 memo (EFTA02731082) were ever the subject of their own analogous separate prosecution memoranda. The internal correspondence between the December 2019 and April 2020 drafts.</p><h2>Several Items Remain Open</h2><p>The April 28, 2020 Maxwell prosecution memorandum, as a separately identified EFTA document. The analogous prosecution memoranda, if any, prepared by SDNY for the subjects of December-memo Section IV subsections A, B, and C. The original 6-count indictment (20 Cr. 330 (AJN)) filed July 2, 2020 as a public court record cross-referenced to these memos. The superseding indictment S2 20 Cr. 330 (AJN). The trial record and verdict form from December 2021. Those are the documents that extend this article into a full chronology of the SDNY prosecution.</p>]]></content:encoded>
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      <title>The Trust</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-trust/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-trust/</guid>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <atom:updated>2026-04-23T00:00:00.000Z</atom:updated>
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · The Academic Circle</category>
      <description>On October 15, 2017, 8 years after the Non-Prosecution Agreement and 21 months before his arrest, Jeffrey Epstein received a tax question from Noam Chomsky. Epstein&apos;s reply was 7 words. The exchange sits in a single email in the 2025 DOJ release.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<section><p class="lede">The email arrived in Jeffrey Epstein's personal Gmail account on Sunday afternoon, October 15, 2017, 21 months before he would be arrested on federal sex-trafficking charges in New York. It had been forwarded from Noam Chomsky and carried a short question above his signature.</p><p>&quot;Could you let us know whether this makes any sense? Especially about no withdrawals until '23. Impossible to live under that condition. Noam.&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00988381/">[EFTA00988381]</a></sup></p><p>Below the question was the email chain Chomsky was asking Epstein to evaluate: 6 weeks of correspondence between Chomsky, his wife Valeria, their accountants in Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts, and a research associate at the Boston investment firm that handled his IRA distributions.</p><p>The question was about tax planning. Chomsky had taken $580,000 out of his retirement accounts in the first 9 months of 2017 ($513,000 from his own IRA and $67,000 from an inherited IRA), and none of it had been set aside for taxes. His accountants at Abrams Little-Gill Loberfeld PC were working through whether he should file as a full-year Massachusetts resident, a full-year Arizona resident, or a part-year resident in each, while the firm's lead on the file, Nick Nichols, worked out a recommendation for how to cover the year's tax liability without triggering further penalties.</p><p>Nichols's recommendation, laid out in a September letter forwarded inside the thread, was that Chomsky take no additional IRA distributions until October 23, 2023. A 6-year hold. <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00988381/">[EFTA00988381]</a></sup></p><p>The 2 sentences carrying Chomsky's objection to that hold were not composed as a reply to Nichols. They were part of the cover note Chomsky wrote to Jeffrey Epstein when he forwarded the chain.</p><p>Epstein's answer came back the same day.</p><p>&quot;Ask for the money from thx trust.&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00988381/">[EFTA00988381]</a></sup></p></section><section><h2>The Trust, and the Trusts</h2><p>The answer establishes that Epstein and Chomsky shared knowledge of a specific trust from which Chomsky could draw, and suggests Epstein was familiar enough with Chomsky's financial architecture to name the right instrument in a single line. The email does not say which trust, and it does not say whether Chomsky was a beneficiary, a grantor, or both. Those facts are not in the document.</p><p>The chain contains a second reference. On September 7, 6 weeks earlier, Chomsky's CPA supervisor, Matthew Mazotas, had written to Kathleen O'Malley at Bainco International Investors in Boston: &quot;The two trusts do not need any Q3 or Q4 estimates as they have overpayments that have been applied to 2017.&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00988381/">[EFTA00988381]</a></sup></p><p>Mazotas's reference to &quot;the two trusts&quot; suggests that the instrument Epstein named in his reply is one of them, though the chain does not make the mapping explicit. Neither trust is identified by name in the verified text.</p></section><section><h2>The Timing</h2><p>October 2017 is 9 years after Jeffrey Epstein pleaded guilty under the 2008 Non-Prosecution Agreement to 2 Florida state charges, 8 years after he completed his 13-month work-release sentence at the Palm Beach County Stockade, and 21 months before his July 6, 2019 arrest in Teterboro on federal sex-trafficking charges.</p><p>Chomsky was 88. He was moving from MIT, where he had spent most of his career, to a new chair at the University of Arizona. The EFTA corpus records additional contact between the two men across 2015 to 2018; that material is not the subject of this piece.</p><p>The email in the EFTA corpus is not a social note. It is a tax question routed past Chomsky's accountants to Epstein on a Sunday when the CPAs had recommended a 6-year hold that Chomsky called &quot;impossible to live under&quot; in his cover note to Epstein. Epstein answered in one line. The line was Epstein as counselor, not Epstein as dinner companion.</p></section><section><h2>What the Record Does Not Show</h2><p>Whether Chomsky followed the advice, whether the money was in fact drawn from the trust, whether Epstein held any formal fiduciary role in either of the trusts referenced in the chain, and whether there were further exchanges between the two men on the tax-residency question after October 15 are questions the verified primary source does not answer.</p><p>The CPAs' correspondence shows them writing to Chomsky and Valeria only. Chomsky forwarded their output to Epstein privately, outside the accountant chain.</p></section><section><h2>Several Items Remain Open</h2><p>Neither trust is identified by name in the document. The record does not establish whether the October 15 advice was followed or with what amount. The Chomsky-Epstein correspondence currently indexed in the EFTA corpus begins in 2015, and a full sweep of the thread is the next step.</p></section>]]></content:encoded>
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      <title>Co-Drafting a Defense</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/co-drafting-a-defense/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/co-drafting-a-defense/</guid>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <atom:updated>2026-04-23T00:00:00.000Z</atom:updated>
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · The Academic Circle</category>
      <description>In September and October 2018, as Arizona State University investigated sexual-misconduct allegations against physicist Lawrence Krauss, Krauss and Jeffrey Epstein traded drafts of Krauss&apos;s institutional response. Epstein was editing the document. The chain is dated 9 months before Epstein&apos;s own arrest.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<section><p class="lede">On September 29, 2018, at 11:03 p.m., Lawrence Krauss sent an email from his Arizona State University account to Jeffrey Epstein's personal Gmail address. A second name was on the To line: nancy dahl. The subject: &quot;Document summarizing damages, and document with University Statement and proposed resolution-first drafts.&quot; Attached were two files, damages.docx and &quot;Statement and Scenarios.docx.&quot; The body was 2 words. &quot;First drafts:&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta01020499/">[EFTA01020499]</a></sup></p><p>In February 2018, BuzzFeed News published an investigation documenting sexual-misconduct allegations against Krauss, then Director of the Origins Project at Arizona State University. ASU opened an internal review. Krauss stepped down from the Origins Project directorship later that year. He retired from ASU in 2019. Krauss has publicly disputed the allegations.</p><p>This article is not about the merits of the allegations. It is about what the EFTA corpus shows of how Krauss prepared his response to ASU, and what role Jeffrey Epstein played in that preparation.</p></section><section><h2>The Thread</h2><p>The September 29 drafts were the start of a revision cycle. Eight days later, on Sunday October 7, Krauss and Epstein were still trading versions.</p><p>That Sunday afternoon, Epstein sent Krauss a revised version of the drafts. Krauss opened it, read through, and wrote back:</p><p>&quot;Hi.. these just look like my earlier versions.. you didn't rewrite at all, did you?&quot;</p><p>Epstein's reply was 2 words. &quot;Equitable- yours.&quot; He was attributing the word &quot;equitable&quot; in the draft back to Krauss.</p><p>Krauss took the attribution and walked it back:</p><p>&quot;I will go back to earlier versions. :)&quot;</p><p>Epstein replied again. &quot;That was the first monkey.&quot;</p><p>Krauss scanned the earlier emails in the thread, saw that Epstein had in fact edited his September 26 statement with a September 27 revision, and wrote:</p><p>&quot;see my emails.. sept 27th email from you changing my sept 26th statement, adding something to that effect.. not important but amusing.&quot;</p><p>That night, Krauss sent the next revision. The attachment was statement5concil.docx, a conciliation-version naming convention numbered 5. The body was 6 words. &quot;revised version without the equitable bullshit.&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta01020499/">[EFTA01020499]</a></sup></p></section><section><h2>The Timing</h2><p>October 7, 2018 was 9 months before Jeffrey Epstein's July 6, 2019 arrest in Teterboro on federal sex-trafficking charges, and 10 months before his death in federal custody in New York on August 10, 2019. Lawrence Krauss was 64 and still on ASU's faculty.</p><p>The pattern from <a href="https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-trust/">another 2017 email in the same corpus</a> recurs here. An academic in the middle of a personal crisis routed the matter to Epstein privately, outside the normal advisory channel. The specific crisis is different (tax strategy in the Chomsky case, legal-defense strategy in this one), and the mechanism is different (financial advice in one, document markup in the other). The common thread is what Epstein was in the transaction. Jeffrey Epstein was functioning as an informal counselor on highly personal matters for named academics in his circle, and the record of those engagements sits in a single release of DOJ documents.</p></section><section><h2>What the Record Does Not Show</h2><p>Whether the final version of Krauss's University Statement, as submitted to ASU, contained Epstein's edits. Whether &quot;equitable bullshit&quot; referred to a specific passage Epstein had written, a specific framing Krauss had tested, or both. What nancy dahl's role in the drafting was. Whether ASU's internal investigation ever became aware of Epstein's involvement in the drafting. None of those questions is answered by the verified primary source.</p></section><section><h2>Several Items Remain Open</h2><p>Nancy Dahl's full name and role. The statement5concil.docx attachment itself, which is not indexed in the corpus as a standalone document. The full Krauss-Epstein correspondence record across 2010 through 2018, which the EFTA corpus holds at approximately 25 emails plus additional document pages per the Phase 2 research-librarian sweep; a complete retrieval is the next step.</p></section>]]></content:encoded>
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      <title>Chomsky at Zorro</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/chomsky-at-zorro/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/chomsky-at-zorro/</guid>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <atom:updated>2026-04-23T00:00:00.000Z</atom:updated>
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · The Academic Circle</category>
      <description>On March 20, 2015, Epstein&apos;s staff picked up Noam Chomsky and his wife Valeria from a Santa Fe spa and drove them to Zorro Ranch. The next day, Epstein&apos;s personal pilot flew Chomsky out toward a Monday Harvard commitment. The logistics were coordinated by physicist Lawrence Krauss and sit in three indexed emails in the 2025 DOJ release.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<section><p class="lede">On the morning of March 20, 2015, a car pulled up to 10,000 Waves, a Japanese-style spa resort at 3451 Hyde Park Road in Santa Fe, New Mexico. The car was arranged by Jeffrey Epstein's Zorro Development Corp staff, acting on instructions coordinated by physicist Lawrence Krauss. The passengers were Noam Chomsky and his wife Valeria. Their destination was Jeffrey Epstein's ranch in Stanley, New Mexico, southeast of Santa Fe. <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta02082749/">[EFTA02082749]</a></sup></p><p>The arrangement had been worked out by email the day before.</p></section><section><h2>The Arrangement</h2><p>On Thursday March 19, Lawrence Krauss forwarded a message from Noam Chomsky to Jeffrey Epstein's personal Gmail account, jeevacation@gmail.com. Lesley Groff was copied. Chomsky's quoted text was 4 sentences. &quot;All sounds fine for us. Could he pick us up around noon? We're at 10,000 Waves. Sorry about the travel disruption... Sounds fine for Sunday.&quot;</p><p>Krauss's own note to Epstein followed 3 minutes later:</p><p>&quot;Hi.. here is the info from Noam.. I am working on whether i can take that 6 am flight on Sat.. am leaning toward doing it but will let you know later tonight. Either way, your guys can pick them up at noon, and bring them to the ranch... and I will either be with you, or see you when you land. If I am with you in Santa Fe, Amelia can meet us at the place your plane lands to take Noam and Valeria to their hotel.. If I am here, I will do that.. (once your people tell me which hanger your plane will be at..). So, will let you know tonight.. I like the idea of breakfast and a walk so assuming I have all my ducks in a row, will try and make that happen.. Thanks for everything. Lawrence&quot;</p><p>The email sets out the logistics in a single paragraph. The Chomskys were at 10,000 Waves. Krauss was the coordinator between Chomsky and Epstein's staff. Epstein's private aviation was being staged to land in Santa Fe. A local driver named Amelia was available to move the Chomskys from the airport to a hotel if Krauss wasn't there to meet them in person. Breakfast and a walk were part of the plan. Krauss signed off with an ASU Origins Project email signature identifying him as Director. <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta02082749/">[EFTA02082749]</a></sup></p></section><section><h2>At the Ranch</h2><p>On Friday March 20, Karen at Zorro Development Corp wrote to Brice Gordon at the ranch, including the 10,000 Waves address for the pickup. The pickup was scheduled for noon.</p><p>The record does not describe what happened at the ranch that weekend. The EFTA corpus does not contain emails narrating in-ranch activity. What the record does show is the next round of coordination, visible in a separate Larry Visoski email thread indexed later the same day.</p></section><section><h2>The Departure</h2><p>Larry Visoski was Jeffrey Epstein's personal pilot. On Friday March 20, Visoski was a recipient on a thread of internal Zorro coordination emails relaying Epstein's plan for the next leg of the Chomsky travel. One message in the thread summarized a just-ended conversation with Epstein:</p><p>&quot;Ok, just spoke to JE...he says he will send Larry with Noam, Lawrence and the wife to Phoenix on Sat...then Jeffrey will depart around noon on Sunday for Phoenix himself and he WILL spend the night at the Phoenician...I would assume Monday is still on for Boston as he has promised Noam a ride to Boston...stay tuned!&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00351015/">[EFTA00351015]</a></sup></p><p>The plan put Epstein's pilot at Santa Fe on Saturday, taking a group including Chomsky to Phoenix. Epstein himself followed on Sunday, overnighting at The Phoenician, a luxury resort in Scottsdale. On Monday, Epstein would fly Chomsky onward to Boston Logan for a Harvard engagement.</p><p>&quot;Lawrence and the wife&quot; in the email is the one phrase the document does not resolve. Grammatically it groups Lawrence Krauss with a wife, plausibly Krauss's. Valeria Chomsky was part of the traveling party at the pickup the previous day, and the thread does not separately account for her return travel. Whether &quot;the wife&quot; on the Phoenix leg refers to Valeria Chomsky, Krauss's wife, or both is not established by the document.</p><p>The same day, a separate note from Epstein's staff told Visoski that Dave Rodgers would be arriving in Albuquerque at 4 p.m. and would stay at the ranch overnight &quot;in his usual room, the one he likes in the main living area.&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00351035/">[EFTA00351035]</a></sup></p></section><section><h2>The Destination</h2><p>Chomsky had a Monday commitment at Harvard. The Visoski thread identifies this as the reason for the Phoenix-to-Boston-Logan leg. The nature of the Monday engagement, whether lecture, colloquium, or private meeting, is not identified in the thread.</p><p>What the thread does establish is that Epstein used his private jet to fly Noam Chomsky from an Epstein-staged departure point (Santa Fe, via Phoenix, via Scottsdale) to an Epstein-brokered drop-off at Logan, in time for a Harvard commitment two days out from a Zorro Ranch weekend.</p></section><section><h2>What the Record Does Not Show</h2><p>Who else was at Zorro Ranch that weekend. Whether the Chomsky stay was a single overnight or extended. What was discussed during the breakfast and the walk Krauss had hoped to arrange. Whether Krauss made his 6 a.m. Saturday flight. Who &quot;Amelia&quot; is. Whether &quot;the wife&quot; on the Phoenix leg was Krauss's wife, Valeria Chomsky, or both. None of these is resolved by the 3 indexed EFTAs in the thread.</p></section><section><h2>Several Items Remain Open</h2><p>Amelia's identity. Krauss's Saturday morning flight itinerary. The nature of Chomsky's Monday Harvard engagement. Dave Rodgers's role at Zorro Ranch, staff or guest. Any post-weekend correspondence between Chomsky or Krauss and Epstein referring to what occurred at the ranch. The EFTA corpus holds additional Chomsky-Epstein correspondence from October 2015 onward, documented in <a href="https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-trust/">The Trust</a> and <a href="https://thefootnote.news/articles/co-drafting-a-defense/">Co-Drafting a Defense</a> under Investigation 03; a full retrieval is the next step.</p></section>]]></content:encoded>
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      <title>The SpaceX Lunch</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-spacex-lunch/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/the-spacex-lunch/</guid>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <atom:updated>2026-04-23T00:00:00.000Z</atom:updated>
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · Zorro Ranch Operations</category>
      <description>On February 25, 2013, Jeffrey Epstein met Elon Musk for lunch at SpaceX headquarters. Epstein&apos;s executive assistant had told the SpaceX team that Epstein would arrive with three non-US-citizen &quot;assistants&quot;: two Russian and one South African. Passport clearance was coordinated four days in advance.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<section><p class="lede">The invitation started with a ranch visit. On February 21, 2013, Jeffrey Epstein's executive assistant Lesley Groff emailed Mary Beth Brown, a senior staffer at SpaceX, with an invitation on Epstein's behalf:</p><p>&quot;Hello Mary Beth...Jeffrey wanted to extend an invitation to Elon to visit him at his ranch this Sat. Feb. 23rd or Sun. Feb. 24th...his ranch is in Sante Fe, New Mexico... Otherwise, he says he will meet him at 1pm for lunch at Space X!&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00395118/">[EFTA00395118]</a></sup></p><p>Brown replied a few hours later. Musk had LA commitments over that weekend. The Zorro Ranch offer was declined. The SpaceX lunch was confirmed for Monday February 25, 2013 at 1:00 p.m.</p></section><section><h2>The Passport Scans</h2><p>On February 22, Brown wrote to Groff with the visitor check-in protocol. For US citizens, a government-issued photo ID was sufficient. For non-citizens, the process was different.</p><p>Groff's reply is the passage this article turns on:</p><p>&quot;Thank you for the specifics below. Jeffrey is a US citizen but he will have assistants with him who are not (2 Russian and 1 South African). They all have passports and proper paper work. I'm pretty sure he will bring them all with him. Will this be ok?&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00395118/">[EFTA00395118]</a></sup></p><p>Brown's answer: &quot;Yes, I need a scan of everyone's passport asap for security clearance and original passports must be brought onsite for check in.&quot;</p><p>The record shows Epstein walking into SpaceX on February 25, 2013 with three accompanying personnel, each a non-US citizen whose passports had been scanned for SpaceX security clearance four days in advance. Two Russian. One South African. 4 years and 7 months after Epstein pleaded guilty in Florida to procurement of a minor for prostitution and completed a 13-month work-release sentence under the Non-Prosecution Agreement.</p></section><section><h2>A Fourth Name in the Thread</h2><p>A fourth person, not counted in the &quot;2 Russian and 1 South African&quot; group, identified themselves separately inside the thread. They wrote to Brown:</p><p>&quot;Mary Beth just to let you know my citizenship and the passport I hold my visas in is actual British. Do you need the names of anyone who may accompany Jeffrey? I will be with him on the trip so please contact me at any time if you need any further information.&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00395118/">[EFTA00395118]</a></sup></p><p>The British-passport-holder's name is redacted in the indexed version. Groff's earlier note had described Epstein's party as Epstein plus 3 non-US-citizen &quot;assistants.&quot; This fourth person was separately on the trip. Whether they were a fourth &quot;assistant,&quot; a staff member traveling with Epstein, or something else is not resolved by the document.</p></section><section><h2>What the Record Does Not Show</h2><p>Who the three non-US-citizen &quot;assistants&quot; were. Whether they entered the SpaceX building on February 25. What business, if any, they had at the lunch. Whether Musk was aware of their citizenship status before Epstein arrived. Whether the SpaceX security check-in records of February 25, 2013 still exist. None of those questions is answered by the verified primary source.</p></section><section><h2>Several Items Remain Open</h2><p>The names on the passport scans, if SpaceX preserved them. Any additional Epstein-Musk correspondence in the EFTA corpus across 2013 to 2019. Whether the Zorro Ranch visit Groff initially proposed for February 23 or 24 was ever rescheduled. A complete retrieval is the next step.</p></section>]]></content:encoded>
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      <title>Leon Black at Zorro</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/leon-black-at-zorro/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/leon-black-at-zorro/</guid>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <atom:updated>2026-04-23T00:00:00.000Z</atom:updated>
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · Zorro Ranch Operations</category>
      <description>On Sunday April 28, 2013, Leon Black flew to Jeffrey Epstein&apos;s Zorro Ranch in New Mexico on his private plane. Epstein arranged a helicopter for Black&apos;s transport from the Santa Fe airport to the property. The coordination sits in two indexed emails between Black&apos;s Apollo Global Management assistant and Epstein&apos;s executive assistant.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<section><p class="lede">The email arrived in Lesley Groff's inbox on Friday April 26, 2013. It came from Melanie Spinella, identified by the signature block as &quot;Assistant to Leon D. Black, Apollo Global Management, LP.&quot;</p><p>&quot;Hi — Happy Friday! Leon and Debra are flying to Jeffrey's Ranch in Santa Fe on Sunday morning — I will let you know when they are landing — Jeffrey is having someone pick them up. Then Leon, Debra, Jeffrey and two others will fly from Santa Fe to LA (landing at Van Nuys airport — Maguire Aviation South) — I will let you know time so you can arrange a car for them. I need the names of the two going with Jeffrey — thanks!!!&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta02140568/">[EFTA02140568]</a></sup></p><p>Groff's reply was practical. She gave Spinella the names of the two additional passengers on Epstein's return flight. The names are redacted in the indexed corpus version. She also asked for the tail number of the Blacks' plane. Spinella: &quot;Sure — Tail No. is N 624N.&quot;</p><p>Later that afternoon, Groff updated the Zorro Ranch staff: &quot;ok thanks...Brice/Karen, make sure to coordinate with Larry on this heli ride!..don't want you driving to Santa Fe airport if they are taking a heli! Below is Leon's cell number in case you need it!&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta02140913/">[EFTA02140913]</a></sup></p><p>Epstein had arranged a helicopter to move Leon Black from the Santa Fe airport to the ranch. Larry Visoski, Epstein's personal pilot, was coordinating the onward flight from Santa Fe to Van Nuys.</p></section><section><h2>The Weekend</h2><p>Sunday April 28, 2013. Leon Black and his wife Debra arrived at Zorro Ranch by private plane (tail N 624N), transferred by helicopter from the Santa Fe airport to the property. At some point on Sunday or Monday, five people boarded Epstein's jet together: Leon Black, Debra Black, Jeffrey Epstein, and two additional passengers whose names were provided by Groff and redacted in the indexed EFTA version. The plane flew to Van Nuys, landing at Maguire Aviation South.</p></section><section><h2>The Financial Context</h2><p>Leon Black was then the founding Chief Executive Officer of Apollo Global Management, one of the largest alternative-asset managers in the United States. Reporting has established that Black paid Epstein approximately $158 million for tax and estate-planning advice between 2012 and 2017. The source-of-record figure is the October 2020 external report prepared for Apollo's board by the law firm Dechert LLP. The April 28, 2013 ranch visit in EFTA02140568 sits inside that payment period.</p></section><section><h2>What the Record Does Not Show</h2><p>Who the two redacted additional passengers on Epstein's return flight were. What was discussed at Zorro Ranch over the weekend of April 27-28, 2013. Whether Black was billed for the ranch visit, the helicopter, or the private aviation. Whether the visit is referenced in Dechert's reconstruction of the Black-Epstein advisory relationship. None of those questions is answered by the verified primary source.</p></section><section><h2>Several Items Remain Open</h2><p>The identities of the two redacted passengers. Any subsequent 2013 correspondence between Black's office and Groff. The full dated record of Black's ranch visits, if more than the April 28 trip is documented in the EFTA corpus. A complete retrieval of Black-Epstein correspondence is the next step.</p></section>]]></content:encoded>
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      <title>Richardson at the Ranch</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/richardson-at-the-ranch/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/richardson-at-the-ranch/</guid>
      <pubDate>Thu, 23 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <atom:updated>2026-04-23T00:00:00.000Z</atom:updated>
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · Zorro Ranch Operations</category>
      <description>In August 2012, the office of former New Mexico Governor Bill Richardson coordinated with Jeffrey Epstein&apos;s executive assistant Lesley Groff about a possible Richardson visit to Zorro Ranch. Groff noted that Richardson had been to the ranch before. The thread is one of the cleanest documentary records of a named former governor&apos;s office managing direct contact with Epstein 4 years after the Non-Prosecution Agreement.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<section><p class="lede">The thread begins on July 30, 2012, with an email from Caitlin Wakefield at the Office of Governor Bill Richardson to Lesley Groff. Richardson had completed his second and final term as New Mexico governor in January 2011. His post-governorship office retained the &quot;Office of Governor Bill Richardson&quot; brand and kept Wakefield as staff.</p><p>Wakefield was writing to flag Richardson's upcoming Santa Fe schedule.</p><p>&quot;Dear Leslie, Gov will be back in Santa Fe on August 6th &amp; 7th and he wanted me to let you and Jeffrey know. He says that Woody Allen might be there at that time. Thanks, Caitlin.&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00407143/">[EFTA00407143]</a></sup></p><p>The email carried the Office of Governor Bill Richardson signature block and came from Wakefield's billrichardson.com address.</p></section><section><h2>The August 7 Attempt</h2><p>By August 7, Richardson was in Santa Fe. Woody Allen, who Wakefield had flagged as possibly joining, was in San Francisco and did not come to New Mexico. Groff emailed Wakefield just before noon:</p><p>&quot;Hi Caitlin...Woody stayed in San Francisco, but Jeffrey is at the Ranch and the Governor is welcome to go visit him today there or Jeffrey says he could meet in Santa Fe tomorrow...might something work?&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00407143/">[EFTA00407143]</a></sup></p><p>A short exchange followed. Wakefield: &quot;Gov is flying back to Boston tomorrow.&quot; Groff: &quot;Let Gov know JE was asking!&quot; Wakefield: &quot;Totally! ... Ill ask Gov. Im in MA. Waiting to hear back from him via email.&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta02163259/">[EFTA02163259]</a></sup></p><p>Groff also supplied the ranch address: &quot;49 Zorro Ranch Rd in Stanley, NM. I'm pretty sure he has been before..&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00407143/">[EFTA00407143]</a></sup></p><p>The parenthetical is a small detail and a load-bearing one. Groff expected Richardson to know the property. The record shows her treating this as a possible follow-up visit, not a first-time trip.</p></section><section><h2>The Context</h2><p>August 2012. 4 years after Jeffrey Epstein pleaded guilty in Florida. 1 year after Richardson completed his second term as New Mexico governor. By that date, Richardson had been named in civil allegations brought by Virginia Giuffre naming him among the public figures Epstein had trafficked her to. Richardson denied the allegations publicly and continued to deny them through his death in 2023. This article is not about the merits of those allegations.</p><p>What the August 2012 thread establishes is that, 4 years into the post-NPA period, Richardson's staff was actively coordinating a visit to Epstein's private residence, and Groff treated Richardson's familiarity with the ranch as already established fact.</p></section><section><h2>What the Record Does Not Show</h2><p>Whether Richardson visited the ranch on August 7 or met Epstein in Santa Fe on August 8. Whether the earlier visit Groff referenced (&quot;pretty sure he has been before&quot;) had occurred during Richardson's governorship (2003-2011) or after. The full scope of Richardson-Epstein correspondence outside this thread. Whether other emails between the Richardson office and Epstein's staff are indexed in the EFTA corpus. None of those questions is answered by the verified primary source.</p></section><section><h2>Several Items Remain Open</h2><p>The full Richardson-Epstein correspondence record. Any prior dated visit by Richardson to Zorro Ranch. Whether the August 2012 outreach was followed up after Richardson returned to Boston. Richardson's published schedule for August 7-8, 2012, if preserved in the Richardson archive. A complete retrieval is the next step.</p></section>]]></content:encoded>
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      <title>The Immunity Shield</title>
      <link>https://thefootnote.news/articles/immunity-shield/</link>
      <guid isPermaLink="true">https://thefootnote.news/articles/immunity-shield/</guid>
      <pubDate>Fri, 17 Apr 2026 00:00:00 GMT</pubDate>
      <atom:updated>2026-04-22T00:00:00.000Z</atom:updated>
      <dc:creator>Ari Pell</dc:creator>
      <category>Investigation · The 2007 Non-Prosecution Agreement</category>
      <description>A federal immunity deal signed in 2007 and binding by January 2008 went unfiled and unreviewed by any court for 12 years. The identified victims were not told. A clause inside it extended federal immunity to named and unnamed co-conspirators in a category prosecutors never closed.</description>
      <content:encoded><![CDATA[<section><p class="lede">On September 24, 2007, the United States Attorney for the Southern District of Florida signed a federal non-prosecution agreement with Jeffrey Epstein. The document never went to a grand jury, and it was never filed in federal court. The identified victims, some of whom were still girls at the time of the conduct at issue, would not learn the agreement existed until well after it had taken effect. Buried near the end of its text was a clause that extended federal immunity not only to Epstein himself, but to named and unnamed <em>potential co-conspirators</em>, a category the prosecutors never publicly closed.</p><p>It would be 12 years before a federal judge examined what had been signed. When Judge Kenneth Marra ruled, in February 2019, that the government had violated the Crime Victims' Rights Act in negotiating and concealing the deal <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00800253/">[EFTA00800253]</a></sup>, Epstein was still alive and under no federal charge. Within months he would be arrested in New York; within weeks of that arrest, he would be dead in federal custody. The statute of limitations on most of the conduct the agreement shielded had already run. What follows is a reconstruction drawn from the record.</p></section><section><h2>What the Agreement Did</h2><p>Under the NPA, Epstein pleaded guilty to 2 Florida state charges (<em>solicitation of prostitution</em> and <em>procurement of a minor for prostitution</em>) and served 13 months of an 18-month sentence under a work-release arrangement that permitted him to leave the Palm Beach County Stockade 6 days a week, returning only to sleep <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00185206/">[EFTA00185206]</a></sup>. In exchange, the federal government agreed not to prosecute him for any federal offense arising from the conduct described in the government's <a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00073493/">proffered facts</a>.</p><p>The immunity did not stop at Epstein. The agreement extended the same protection to 4 named individuals: Sarah Kellen, Nadia Marcinkova, Lesley Groff, and Adriana Ross <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00192983/">[EFTA00192983]</a></sup>. Each of the 4 was identified in the government's own proffered facts as an employee or associate who had participated in the conduct prosecutors were now declining to pursue. None of them was charged, and none was required to testify. Nothing in the record indicates that any of them was later interviewed as a cooperating witness in a subsequent federal action.</p><p>Even the 4 names were not where the agreement's reach ended. Further into the same clause, immunity extended to &quot;<em>any potential co-conspirators</em>&quot; of Epstein, and the category was left open. No enumeration followed it. No outer boundary was specified. That open-ended phrasing is the part of the document that has mattered most, and it is the clause around which every subsequent question about who the agreement actually covered has been fought.</p></section><section><h2>The Parallel Case That Was Abandoned</h2><p>The agreement replaced a federal prosecution that was nearly ready to go. By the spring of 2007, the federal team working the case in West Palm Beach had assembled what court filings in the later CVRA action would describe as an <strong>82-page prosecution memorandum</strong> and a <strong>53-page draft indictment</strong>, with 32 criminal counts in total <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00800253/">[EFTA00800253, p. 3]</a></sup>. The indictment named Epstein, 3 unnamed employees or assistants, and 2 of his corporate entities (<a href="https://thefootnote.news/entities/jege-inc/">JEGE Inc.</a> and <a href="https://thefootnote.news/entities/hyperion-air-inc/">Hyperion Air Inc.</a>).</p><p>It was never presented to a grand jury. By September, the U.S. Attorney's office in the Southern District of Florida was circulating drafts of the non-prosecution agreement instead. Internal correspondence between Assistant U.S. Attorney A. Marie Villafana, the lead prosecutor in West Palm Beach, and Jay Lefkowitz of Kirkland &amp; Ellis, Epstein's lead negotiator, runs continuously through the fall of 2007 and into the winter of 2008 <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00225920/">[EFTA00225920]</a></sup>. By late January 2008, the agreement was binding on the United States.</p><p>The prosecution memo, the draft indictment, and the full text of those 2007 negotiations remain only partially visible in the current EFTA production. Locating the 82-page memo and the 53-page indictment is an open item in this investigation.</p></section><section><h2>The Four Named Recipients</h2><p><strong><a href="https://thefootnote.news/entities/sarah-kellen/">Sarah Kellen</a></strong> was Epstein's executive assistant. What that title meant, as documented both in the NPA's proffered facts and in the civil depositions that came later, was that she did the scheduling. She booked the appointments at which the abuse the federal government later declined to prosecute occurred. In the indexed email corpus she is almost invisible under her own name, but the shared phone line at 917-855-3363 appears in Epstein's address book as a joint Epstein/Kellen number, and the lines she managed run throughout the scheduling traffic that is there.</p><p><strong><a href="https://thefootnote.news/entities/nadia-marcinkova/">Nadia Marcinkova</a></strong> is described in victim testimony, later incorporated into the CVRA record, as a direct participant in the sexual abuse of identified minors <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00073493/">[EFTA00073493]</a></sup>. She was 18 years old when Epstein first brought her into the United States. By the time of the events described in the government's proffered facts, victim testimony places her inside the conduct the NPA declined to prosecute, not beside it.</p><p><strong><a href="https://thefootnote.news/entities/lesley-groff/">Lesley Groff</a></strong> ran logistics and scheduling out of Epstein's New York office, and her name appears on virtually every thread in the indexed scheduling corpus. The volume tracks the administrative demands of the role, not any case-relevant frequency. In the knowledge graph she is carried as <code>person_type: enabler</code>, <code>legal_status: no_action</code>. The second field is not a finding about her conduct. It is the downstream effect of the agreement.</p><p><strong><a href="https://thefootnote.news/entities/adriana-ross/">Adriana Ross</a></strong> appears in the same proffered facts, placed there as having been present during the conduct the NPA forecloses. Of the 4, she is the least-documented in the current corpus, and that is itself a fact worth noting.</p><p>Each of the 4 carries the same combination in the knowledge graph: identified participation in documented conduct, followed by no federal action. The NPA is what produced that pattern. It is what the agreement, by design, was built to do.</p></section><section><h2>The Concealment</h2><p>On February 21, 2019, Judge Kenneth Marra of the Southern District of Florida issued the first judicial review of the NPA by a court with the authority to scrutinize it <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00800253/">[EFTA00800253]</a></sup>. His order held that the federal government had violated 18 U.S.C. § 3771, the Crime Victims' Rights Act, by negotiating and finalizing the agreement without notifying the identified victims or giving them a meaningful opportunity to confer.</p><p>The concealment had specific moving parts. The agreement was not filed with the court. In January 2008, weeks after the NPA had already become binding, the government mailed the identified victims what Marra would later characterize as &quot;misleading&quot; letters: communications that represented the federal investigation as ongoing and asked the women and girls for patience <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00027666/">[EFTA00027666]</a></sup>. The letters did not mention that a federal immunity agreement had been signed the previous September. They did not mention that the investigation, as a federal matter, was already over.</p><p>When the government came to defend the secrecy in front of Marra, it argued that formal notification would have jeopardized the plea. Marra rejected the argument on the plain language of the statute. The CVRA grants conferral rights, not veto rights, and Congress did not write an exception for cases the government judges to be sensitive <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00800253/">[EFTA00800253]</a></sup>.</p></section><section><h2>The Defense Team</h2><p>For a defendant eventually pleading to state-level prostitution charges, Epstein's defense team on the NPA was extraordinary. Correspondence indexed in this investigation identifies at least 7 attorneys who participated in the NPA negotiations <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00224636/">[EFTA00224636]</a></sup>: Jay Lefkowitz of Kirkland &amp; Ellis, who ran the negotiation; Roy Black in Miami; Martin Weinberg in Boston; Jack Goldberger in West Palm Beach; Gerald Lefcourt in New York; Guy Lewis, himself a former U.S. Attorney in the same district; and Alan Dershowitz.</p><p>The composition of the team is itself evidence. A former U.S. Attorney in the same district, national-firm white-collar counsel, a prominent legal academic, and regional criminal defense specialists together do not read like a roster built to try a case. They read like a roster built to apply pressure through peer channels. Marra's 2019 opinion records one use of those channels: when negotiations stalled in January 2008, Epstein's attorneys appealed the local prosecutors' position upward, to &quot;higher levels within the Department of Justice&quot; <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00800253/">[EFTA00800253]</a></sup>. Who those officials were is not established in the current record, and it is among the questions this investigation has not yet answered.</p></section><section><h2>The Role Switch</h2><p>During the period the Epstein investigation was active, Bruce Reinhart was an Assistant U.S. Attorney in the Southern District of Florida. After he left the office, he appeared as counsel of record for Epstein's employees, including the 4 named NPA beneficiaries, in the CVRA proceedings before Marra <sup><a href="https://thefootnote.news/documents/efta00081116/">[EFTA00081116]</a></sup>. He was later appointed a federal magistrate judge in the same district he had once prosecuted out of.</p><p>The CVRA record establishes the role switch as fact. The timeline around it is another matter. When Reinhart left the U.S. Attorney's Office, what Epstein-related information he carried out with him, and what the engagement in the CVRA action was built on, are questions the current production does not resolve. They are the kind of questions an investigator ordinarily wants answered before they are allowed to fade.</p></section><section><h2>What the 2019 SDNY Memo Suggests</h2><p>In December 2019, 4 months after Epstein's death in a Manhattan cell, the Southern District of New York produced an 86-page memorandum titled <em>Investigation into Potential Co-Conspirators of Jeffrey Epstein</em>, addressed to then-U.S. Attorney Geoffrey Berman. The memo identifies 8 suspected co-conspirators. Of those 8, 4 overlap with the recipients named in the NPA, and 4 do not.</p><p>The SDNY memorandum itself has not yet surfaced in the EFTA production, and locating it is a recurring open item. The shape of it matters even before the document is located. When SDNY reopened the threads that SDFL had closed, its prosecutors assembled a list of potential federal defendants at least twice the size of the 4 names in the NPA. The gap between SDFL's 4 and SDNY's 8 is the question this investigation is built around.</p></section><section><h2>What This Article Does Not Claim</h2><p>This article does not claim that the NPA was corruptly negotiated. It does not claim, of any particular individual, that they committed a federal offense from which the agreement shielded them. It does not identify by name the &quot;higher levels within the Department of Justice&quot; that Marra's opinion references. Those are questions the current evidentiary record cannot answer, and the record does not license speculation in place of answers.</p><p>What the record does support, in primary-source material, is this. A federal immunity agreement was signed. It named 4 individual recipients and extended to additional, unnamed &quot;potential co-conspirators&quot; in a category prosecutors never closed. It was concealed from the identified victims until after it was already binding. A fully prepared federal prosecution was abandoned in favor of it. A federal judge, 12 years later, ruled that the concealment violated the Crime Victims' Rights Act. And the complete set of individuals the agreement shielded has never been publicly enumerated by the government that signed it.</p></section><section><h2>Open Items</h2><p>Several items remain open, and any one of them, if located, would substantively change the analysis: the 82-page prosecution memorandum; the 53-page draft indictment; the December 2019 SDNY memo; the January 2008 victim-notification letters; the February 1, 2007 defense team letter (24 pages); the Reinhart timeline; the identity of the DOJ officials contacted by the defense in January 2008; and the scope of the &quot;potential co-conspirators&quot; category as understood by the signatories in 2007.</p><p>Each of those items is fair game for this corpus or the next production to surface.</p></section><figure><img src="https://thefootnote.news/feed/immunity-shield-network.svg" alt="The NPA Actor Network — connection graph" width="1200" height="680" style="max-width:100%;height:auto" /><figcaption><strong>The NPA Actor Network.</strong> Static render of the connection graph; <a href="https://thefootnote.news/articles/immunity-shield/">View the interactive diagram on The Footnote</a> to explore it.</figcaption></figure>]]></content:encoded>
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